AP European History
AP European History
Absolutism reached its highest expression in France during the reign of Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). The previous two Bourbon monarchs laid the foundation for the sparkling but flawed edifice that was the Age of Louis XIV. Henry IV (r. 1589-1610), the first in the Bourbon line, after bringing the religious conflict to an end with the Edict of Nantes (1598), turned his attention to putting France’s financial and economic house in order. Under Henry and his primary advisor, the Duc de Sully, the French state balanced its budget and established a firmer basis for taxation. In addition, Henry promoted economic development through the building of roads and canals, draining swamps, and promoting colonization. His strong rule allowed France to survive his assassination in 1610 and the regency of his wife, Marie de’ Medicis, on behalf of their son, Louis XIII. Louis XIII (r. 1610-1643) relied on the advice of his talented and shrewd advisor, Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642), who increased direct (taille) and indirect (gabelle – government salt monopoly) taxes. Louis and Richelieu concerned themselves with curbing the power of the nobility. To this effect, Richelieu banned dueling (which suggested violence independent of the state), employed spies to monitor the provincial nobility, and appointed intendants, or local officials, whose job it was to be the “eyes and ears of the monarchy.” In addition, while allowing Huguenots to maintain their religious practices, Richelieu forced them to relinquish their fortified towns. Though Richelieu was a prince of the Catholic Church, under his guidance Frruice supported the Protestant forces during the Thirty Years’ War. Like Machiavelli before him, politics was for Richelieu about raison d’etat, or “reason of state,” as he expressed it in his Political Testament. According to Richelieu, it was in France’s interests to limit the growing power of the surrounding Habsburgs (the political leaders of the Catholic cause), regardless of the religious allegiances of Richelieu, or France more generally.
When Louis XIV inherited the throne in 1643, France was once again faced with the prospect of a boy king (Louis was 5). Discontent over high taxes and foreign influence in government led to a series of rebellions in Paris and the countryside known as the Fronde (1648-1652). In fact, the young Louis’s first memory involved fleeing from his capital in a carriage surrounded by an angry mob. The event convinced him to build his seat of government in the nearby suburb of Versailles and to establish an iron-fisted rule that could overwhelm any potential future opposition. Early in Louis’s reign, the real ruler of France was Cardinal Mazarin (1602-1661), who continued many of the policies of his predecessor, Richelieu. Upon Mazarin’s death in 1661, Louis at the age of 23 took personal control of government and did not relinquish it until his death in 1715. A major concern for Louis was to overcome the provincialism and feudal remnants of the French state. Seventeenth-century France was divided by linguistic dialects, provincial customs and estates, and a variety of political bodies that potentially limited monarchical power. One such was the 15 regional parlements, or courts, controlled by the nobles, and who by tradition had to register the king’s decrees to give them effect. To control these bodies, Louis wielded threats of exile and confiscation of property, or involved nobles in court patronage and intrigue at the glittering palace of Versailles.
No greater symbol of royal absolutism exists than Louis’s palace at Versailles. Originally a hunting lodge, Versailles became under Louis a seat of government as well as a teeming city of patronage-seekers and the backdrop for the drama of Louis’s kingship. Looking over the palace itself, the man-made canal, lush gardens, and grandiose outbuildings, one begins to understand the importance of Louis’s expression “I am the state.” The palace was constructed over several decades, and though the records were deliberately destroyed, it is estimated that the palace absorbed as much as 60%-80% of the state’s revenues during the years of its construction. Versailles was more than a royal residence. Nobles were encouraged to live on the grounds and participate in the pageantry of Louis’s rule. Court etiquette and seeking royal favor deliberately occupied the energies of thousands of the French aristocracy, s8fely under Louis’s gaze and unable to make trouble in the provinces. All of Louis’s activities were infused with religious solemnity; nobles competed to participate in the ceremonies of the king’s waking, dining, and retiring to bed (lever, diner, and coucher). French culture and the grandeur of Louis’s Versailles became the envy of Europe, as elites across Europe sharpened their French language skills and rulers built their own mini-Versailles.
Reflecting a continental trend, France under Louis practiced mercantilism to enhance its economic position. Under Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619-1683), the minister of finance and Louis’s primary advisor, France developed a unified internal market and also expanded its commercial presence around the world. Like many nations, France’s economy was limited by internal tariffs; though Colbert did not eliminate these, he did create a free-trade zone, known as the Five Great Farms, to facilitate commerce. In addition, Colbert continued to enhance France’s infrastructure with roads, a postal system, and the establishment of manufacturing codes. Industries were organized into corporations, which fell under the guidance of the state, a process that helped the nation earn a reputation for high-quality luxury goods. To promote commerce, Colbert established the French East India Company (to rival Britain’s and the Netherlands’) and built a royal navy. High tariffs (taxes on imports) limited foreign goods and, along with the high taxes imposed to finance Louis’s many wars, had the effect of increasing the burden on the lower classes (especially peasants) by raising prices and taking much of their hard-earned subsistence. Members of the nobility had negotiated exceptions from many direct taxes over the years, creating a regressive and inefficient system that increased discontent as time wore on.
Louis’s commitment to the principle of “one king, one faith, and one law” persuaded him that the Calvinist Huguenots constituted a threat to these theoretical powers. In 1685 Louis revoked the Edict of Nantes by issuing the Edict of Fontainebleau, attempting forcibly to convert French Protestants back to Catholicism. Rather than convert, most simply took refuge, along with their property and skills, in those lands that welcomed them, such as the Dutch Republic and Brandenburg-Prussia.
The grandeur of Louis’s France was often associated with its artistic and intellectual achievements. In the 1660s, Louis established the French Academy of Arts and the French Academy of Sciences. The former created paintings, sculpture, architecture, music, and drama under clear aesthetic guidelines-artists should glorify Louis, France, and link its greatness with classical subjects and style. Much of this patronage revolved around Versailles, which featured an opera house/theater for playwrights to express their comic or tragic commentaries on classical themes. Under Louis, France achieved a continental reputation for combining the scale of the Baroque (see below) with the restraint of the neoclassical. In the area of science, Louis hoped to exploit advances in astronomy, medicine, and navigation to enhance France’s prestige as well as its economic and military potential.
During the 17th century, France replaced Spain as the leading military power on the continent and the nation most often threatening the balance of power. Louis XIV tied his and France’s greatness to the army. Under the Marquis de Louvois (1641-1691), Louis’s minister of war, France’s army became the largest in Europe at 400,000 men. Despite Louvois’s skill and the addition of territory on France’s eastern border, the wars of Louis XIV (see below) drained the treasury and severely taxed the country’s manpower and resources.
Much of Russia is in Europe, but Russia has not always been of Europe. Many of the trends we have addressed thus far – Renaissance, Reformation, Scientific Revolution (see Chapter 6) – did not touch the Russian state or its people. For many in the west, Russia was a mystery, more closely tied to the political and religious traditions of Asia. It is not as difficult, however, to identify the thrust of Russia’s experience, as the themes of (1) expansion and (2) relative backwardness define its role in European history.
As we’ve seen, Russia made strides in establishing a larger and more modern state under both Ivan III and Ivan IV in the 16th century. These rulers succeeded in driving the Mongols from much of central Asia, establishing some semblance of an administrative structure and creating a military class (streltsy). Unfortunately, Ivan IV killed his heir to the throne in a fit of rage, causing Russia to enter a difficult period of internal instability and foreign invasion known as the Time of Troubles (1604-1613). The situation was not resolved until the feudal estates (Zemsky Sobor) elected Michael Romanov (1613-1645) as the tsar of Russia. Romanov rule would last in Russia until the Russian Revolution in 1917 led to the end of the family line.
Russia now gained stability but continued to lag behind Europe. First, it was during the 17th century that Russia’s oppressive system of serfdom was put into legal form. Though other nations in eastern and central Europe practiced serfdom, only in Russia could serfs be bought and sold like chattel. This slave-like existence often provoked massive rebellions, in which discontented serfs often allied with Cossacks (a warrior tribe) in proclaiming the overthrow of landlords and those in authority. Furthermore, Russia’s dominant religion was the tradition-bound Orthodox Church, which tended to oppose social and religious changes. When the Russian patriarch Nikon (head of the Russian Orthodox Church) undertook reforms in the Bible and worship, a group called the Old Believers opposed the reforms and threatened to break away from the church. These represent only two issues facing Russia during this period, but they demonstrate well the divide between Russia’s people and its government, as well as the conflict between tradition and modernization.
Peter I, the Great (1682-1725) stands as one of the greatest and most fascinating figures in Russian history. On one hand, Peter was attracted by all that was modern – technology, science, industry; on the other, he could be brutal and ruthless in the pursuit of his goals. By the sheer force of his personality and vision, Peter within a generation brought Russia into the European state system and made his nation a great power. Though Peter did succeed in making the rest of Europe take note of Russia’s might, his reforms did not seep down to the common person and often created divisions within Russian society.
As a boy in Moscow, Peter enjoyed the company of westerners who lived in the so-called German suburb of the city. Here he learned about engineering and manufacturing. When Peter took the throne, he decided to embark on a Great Embassy (1697-1698) to the west with hundreds of technical advisors. Peter attempted to travel incognito, but it was hard to miss the nearly 7-foot-tall Russian leader as he visited shipyards, manufactories, and colleges. The trip was cut short as Peter faced a rebellion at home by the streltsy, who perceived Peter’s reforms as a threat to their power. Upon his return, Peter personally interrogated and executed many of the leaders of the rebellion, hanging their bodies on the city gates as a warning to others. With this storehouse of new technical skill, however, Peter helped build Russia’s first navy and a more modem army. During his reign, Peter was nearly continuously at war, generally with the Ottoman Turks and Swedes.
Internally, Peter set out to strengthen the nation as well as reform the habits of his people. Taxes were imposed on a variety of items, including “heads,” known as the poll tax. With these funds, Peter pursued mercantilist policies aimed at making Russia a commercial nation, with its own joint-stock companies, merchant fleet, and monopolies. Peter even employed serf labor in mining, metallurgy, and textile manufacture. Russians also needed to look modern, so Peter banned the wearing of long coats, beards, and the veiling of women. To promote loyalty to the state, Peter required all members of the landowning class to engage in state service. This later evolved into a system of merit, known as the Table of Ranks, whereby subjects could rise in status based on contributions to the state. To make governing the vast Russian expanse more effective, Peter eliminated the feudal organs of self-government and divided the nation into 10 governing units, with a senate of advisers to assist him in day-to-day administration. Finally, to resolve the conflict within the Russian Orthodox Church, Peter simply eliminated the position of patriarch and instead placed the church under the control of the state, a power that was exercised through a Holy Synod of bishops.
The primary goal of these changes was to gain territory at the expense of Russia’s neighbors. At first, Peter directed his attention toward the Black Sea, hoping to gain a port city there. His campaigns failed to achieve much, except to demonstrate the backwardness of the Russian military. However, Peter’s main rival was Sweden, whose territory and dominant position in the Baltic he wished to replace. After initial defeat in the Great Northern War (1700-1721) with Sweden, Peter learned from his mistakes and changed tactics and technology. Using the traditional Russian tactic of drawing the enemy into the Russian interior to face its brutal winter, Peter eventually gained a victory. By the Treaty of Nystadt (1721), Russia gained significant territory in the Baltic, which allowed Peter to build a new capital city, St. Petersburg, which represented his “window to the west.” Never before had Russian influence extended so far into Europe. No doubt, Peter accomplished much in his forced modernization of Russia. Prior to his reign, Russia was a large but backward entity relatively unknown to the rest of Europe. When Peter died in 1725, he left a Russia a great power of Europe, feared for its sheer size and military potential. Many elites in Russia eagerly adopted Peter’s reforms, as they saw in them the potential for individual gain and national power. Nonetheless, most of Peter’s reforms came at the expense of the masses-serfs, The Orthodox Church, lower classes. While Russia had adopted a veneer of technological and industrial might, its autocratic (rule by one person) system of government was fastened more tightly on the nation than ever before. In the short run, Russia was now a major power and always a threat to expand; in the long run, these perennial issues of backwardness and autocratic rule contributed to the Russian Revolution in the 20th century